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Guest Commentary July 15, 2002
Deterrence Is No Longer Enough
The Honorable Paul Wolfowitz
Six months ago, the president announced our intention to withdraw from the 1972 ABM treaty. The President took this step as part of a broader change in our defense policy to reflect new threats we face along with the fundamentally different relationship we have with Russia today. Earlier [in June 2002], that withdrawal formally took place. As a result, we are now free to develop, test and deploy effective defenses against missile attacks from rogue states like North Korea, Iraq, and Iran -- states that are investing a large percentage of their resources to develop weapons of mass destruction and offensive ballistic missiles at the expense of the basic needs of their people.
The scope of this growing threat to the U.S. and our allies and friends is compounded by the fact that the states that are developing these terror weapons have close links to a variety of terrorist organizations. States or even non-state actors could use container ships to launch shorter-range missiles against our territory. As the president stated in his State of the Union Address, we must not allow the world's most dangerous regimes to threaten us with the world's most dangerous weapons.
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In response to this new strategic environment, the president called for a new approach to deterrence that reduces our reliance on offensive nuclear weapons and emphasizes defensive systems. The Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) further underscored the point that relying solely on offensive nuclear forces is inappropriate for deterring potential adversaries. As the president stated, "Cold War deterrence is no longer enough. To maintain peace, to protect our own citizens and our allies and friends, we must seek security based on more than the grim promise that we can destroy those who seek to destroy us."
Moving forward on missile defense, particularly by taking advantage of new technological opportunities, is an essential part of a strategy to provide the range of capabilities necessary to defend against the broad spectrum of new threats and challenges we will confront in the 21st century. In short, by reducing an opponent's incentives to seek or use missiles, defenses can contribute to our goals of deterring missile attack, dissuading opponents from acquiring missiles, assuring our allies and friends against missile threats, and defeating limited attacks in the event of conflict.
With the ABM Treaty now behind us, our task is to develop and deploy effective defenses against the full range of missile attacks -- whether from short, medium, or long range weapons. Indeed, the president is committed to developing and deploying a missile defense system as soon as possible to protect the American people, our deployed forces, as well as allies and friends against the growing missile threats we face. ...
As these emerging long-range missile threats also endanger our allies and friends around the world, it is essential that we work together to defend against them, an important task the ABM Treaty prohibited. The strategic rationale for providing missile defense protection to our allies was clearly stated by Secretary Rumsfeld in his remarks at the NATO Defense Ministerial earlier this month: "Rogue states capable of delivering WMD to Western capitals could make building future coalitions against aggression difficult, if not impossible."
NATO's Defense Ministers noted, in turn, in their June Statement on Capabilities, that "there is currently an alliance consensus on the need to deploy theater missile defenses to protect our deployed forces," and that "Alliance territory and population centers may also face an increasing missile threat." As a result, Defense Ministers concluded "the Alliance needs to examine options for addressing this increasing threat in an effective and efficient way through an appropriate mix of political and defense efforts." ...
The end of the ABM Treaty also marks an historic milestone in our strategic relationship with Russia. We are finally moving beyond the Cold War. We no longer have a treaty that divides us by assuming that our security is derived from our ability to destroy each other. Instead, the U.S. and Russia are building a new relationship based on common interests and values, rather than the threat of mutual destruction.
Nothing reinforces this point more than the accomplishments of the Moscow Summit last May, particularly the reductions in strategic nuclear forces. Just as important, perhaps, is that President Putin and President Bush agreed to look for ways to cooperate on missile defenses, including expanding military exercises, sharing early warning data, and exploring potential joint research and development of missile defense technologies.
When President Bush emphasized moving forward on missile defense and a new strategic framework with Russia in May 2001, some predicted dire consequences for U.S.-Russian relations and the start of a new arms race. In fact, the opposite occurred. As a result of hard work and determination on both sides, relations with Russia -- and between Russia and our NATO allies -- are entering a new a promising era. We have agreed to cooperate on a host of economic, political, and security issues of common interest, including missile defense. And we have agreed to reduce our offensive forces to the lowest levels in decades.
The U.S. has now departed from these Cold War artifacts -- the ABM Treaty and the balance of terror -- and adopted a new approach to deterrence and defense, and established a cooperative strategic relationship with Russia. Further, we have fostered a security environment and good relations with allies and friends that now allow us to make substantial progress on the programmatic side of our missile defense program as represented by our budget priorities. We need to seize this historic opportunity if we are to meet new challenges and make the word a safer place for all.
Paul Wolfowitz is the Deputy Secretary of Defense. The above commentary has been adapted from his prepared statement for the Combined Procurement and R&D Subcommittees of the House Armed Services Committee, June 27, 2002. To contact him, Click Here.
The above column has been distributed by PoliticsOL.com.
